Dictatorship & risk of “copycat” coup expansion.

The Varieties of Democracy Project, which surveys democratic practices worldwide, notes that Benin slipped  into an electoral autocracy in 2019, when opposition candidates were prevented from competing in parliamentary elections.

The main opposition party has also been barred from running in next year’s presidential election, which is said to be a strategy to ensure the outgoing president gives power to his ally and Finance Minister, Romuald Wadagni. 

On December 7, 2025, soldiers appeared on Benin’s State television, led by Lieutenant Colonel Pascal Tigri, and claimed taking over power. 

They declared President Talon “removed from office”, suspended the constitution, dissolved State institutions, and ordered border closures.

Lieutenant Colonel Tigri Pascal was named by the group, which calls itself the Military Committee for Refoundation, as transitional leader, according to reports. Tigri claimed to seek to "free the people from dictatorship".

The coup failed. In a statement later, the regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, said it ordered the deployment of troops from Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana to support Benin’s loyal army to “preserve constitutional order and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Benin". 

It was an unprecedented regional bloc prompt action that should be emulated by others like the Economic Community of Central African States, ECCAS, where the boys in uniform have inflicted an epidemic of coups.

The Subregion has seen a significant spike in military takeovers, becoming the "coup belt" of the world, with successful coups and several attempts since 2020, notably in Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Niger,  Guinea-Bissau and Gabon, driven by insecurity and governance failures.

The undemocratic trend marks a reversal of a decline seen in the early 2000s, with coup mongers citing terrorism, rigged elections, and corruption; which impoverish the vast majority of the governed.

It's an apologetic drift that calls for concern by advocates of democracy and even the dictators who tinker the laws to clone strong men instead of strong institutions.

Concerned with the escalating security and democratic challenges, Omar Touray, President of the Economic Community of West African States Commission, last Tuesday said after the failed coup that: “Events of the last few weeks have shown the imperative of serious introspection on the future of our democracy".

It is the perceive gaping vacuum in democratic practices such as free and credible elections, freedom of assembly and the press and respect of human rights in many countries in the Region, that it is being infected by a "coup epidemic".

The West and Central Africa Regions have often been accused of harbouring dictatorial leaders, if not monarchs, in a system of "governance where absolute power is concentrated in the hands of a single leader or a small group, with few or no constitutional limitations...; a lack of established democratic institutions, and the manipulation of ethnic or political loyalties", to borrow from researchers. 

How should this diagnosed epidemic of military putsches be remedied?

The prescription is given in thematic discussion involving; Moussa Mara, former Prime Minister of Mali (2014-2015); Aminata Touré, former Prime Minister of Senegal (2013-2014); Alioune Tine, iconic figure in Senegalese civil society and Founder of Afrikajom Center; and Camilla Rocca, Director of Research at the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, organised by the Charter Project Africa recently.

From the discussions based on research and experience, it emerged that "the armed forces are not a solution to the problems of governance but they are still very popular”.

The panelist then recommended as solutions to keep the military in their barracks; the governments should institute term limits in office and age ceilings; separation and alternation of power and establish solid democratic institutions.

Other solutions include to "defeat corruption, strengthen good governance, educate citizens on democratic values and freedoms".

Many of such values have been absent in countries that have had successful military takeovers, failed attempts or no attempt at all.

The Guardian Post shares the findings of the researchers that coups are popular among the frustrated masses, but the best military government is not better than that of the worst dictator.

It is the disappointment of the governed, caused by greedy leaders who coups are applauded.

Regional blocs should not wait until the men in uniform take over or attempt before they intervene as ECOWAS reasonably did.

In the case of Benin, why did ECOWAS not intervene when the major opposition leader was banned from taking part in next year's presidential election?

They can pre-empt such involvement with risk of soldiers and politicians being killed by intervening in pre and post-electoral disputes and ensuring that member countries live by the rule of law, not mystified tin gods who crave to be worshiped at the expense of the people.

This article was first published in The Guardian Post Edition No:3652 of Thursday December 11, 2025